list of ngos studied in THE UK

ASIAnti-Slavery International
Country of head officeUNITED KINGDOM
Postal address of the head officeThomas Clarkson House
The Stableyard
Broomgrove Road
London SW9 9TL
Telephone44 (0)20 7501 8920
Fax44 (0)20 7738 4110
"Branches" abroad0
Date of creation of the NGO1839
Level of actionOperational agency
Religious characterNone
Percentage of private resourcesASI - UNITED KINGDOM
84% out of a € 2.6 million budget in 2008
81% out of a € 2.5 million budget in 2007
77% out of a € 2.5 million budget in 2006
89% out of a € 2.5 million budget in 2005
48% out of a € 2 million budget in 2004
47% out of a € 1.6 million budget in 2003
51% out of a € 1.5 million budget in 2002
42% out of a € 1.5 million budget in 2001
47% out of a € 1.1 million budget in 2000
57% out of a € 0.7 million budget in 1999
51% out of a € 1 million budget in 1998
58% out of a € 0.8 million budget in 1997
45% out of a € 0.5 million budget in 1996
45% out of a € 0.5 million budget in 1995
Countries of actionSeveral



- History -

-17th April 1839, United Kingdom: supported by the non conforming Churches, the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS) is launched. This marks the accomplished outcome of an evolution starting with the creation, in London on 22nd May 1787, of a Committee for the Abolition of the Slave Trade. Backed by the Tories in power at the time, namely the Prime Minister William Pitt and the MP William Wilberforce, the Committee was born from the Quaker milieu: with the exception of its president Granville Sharp and two other persons, all of the twelve members belonged to the Society of Friends. When an Act was passed to ban the slave trade in the British colonies in 1807, this same Committee then became a semi-official organism, the African Institution, to monitor the application of the new legislation. Eager to spread abolition and to promote other forms of trades, the African Institution indeed tried to put an end to the transatlantic slave trade and to encourage the emancipation of slaves on the model of Sierra Leone, whose capital, Freetown, had accommodated about 14,000 persons set free by the British between 1772 and 1778. But the Institution didn’t fight the “domestic” slavery within the African continent and hardly dealt with the future of those freed, left to cope for themselves. In 1823 thus appeared a “Society for the Mitigation and Gradual Abolition of Slavery Throughout the British Dominions” with members of the 1787 Committee, like Thomas Clarkson and William Wilberforce, as well as Quakers or philanthropists such as Zachary Macaulay (a Scottish planter in Jamaica and a governor of Sierra Leone who launched a newspaper, the Anti-Slavery Reporter, in 1825) and the MP Thomas Fowell Buxton (1786-1845). By dint of petitions to the Parliament, new measures enhanced the living conditions of slaves but were not enough to obtain total freedom. In 1832, the more radical militants of the movement, who had founded a dissident group the year before, the Agency Committee, broke away from the 1823 Society to fight for the unconditional and immediate abolition of slavery. Rather than staying in London, they decided to fight the issue outside the capital and gained to their cause the women, who, if they were still not allowed to vote, could sign petitions; more than 187,000 of them joined the Agency Committee’s campaign. Their efforts were not fruitless: on August 29th 1833, a bill was passed to programme the gradual abolition of slavery after a compulsory apprenticeship period of four to six years. So as to appease the anger of the “owners”, such a procedure allowed the exploitation of a cheap labour force to continue for some time, including children aged over six; this system was eventually abolished in 1838.

-12 June 1840, United Kingdom: with delegates from France and the United States, the BFASS organises in London the world’s first anti-slavery convention, held at Freemasons’ Hall. The conference helps to raise common issues on both sides of the Atlantic but also sharpens internal divisions. Because genders are segregated in Victorian London, the English majority refuses to seat several black and white women elected as American delegates; these can not vote and have to join women in the balcony as spectators. Moreover, the United States, where there are 1,350 local antislavery societies with between 120,000 and 250,000 members in 1838, resent the meddling of the former British coloniser regarding the servile status of the Blacks in the South. According to a Congressman from South Carolina quoted by Betty Fladeland, such criticisms are out of place because of “enslaved subjects” in Ireland and the abject poverty of the lower classes in England.

-1841, United Kingdom: France, Britain, Austria, Prussia and Russia adopt a treaty recognising the right of each to halt ships on the high seas of any one of the group engaging in the slave trade.

-1843, United Kingdom: during another world anti-slavery convention, the BFASS opposes free trade and supports protectionism. According to the organisation, tariff reduction would lead to an increase in the British demand for Cuban and Brazilian sugar, produced at low cost through slave work, still legal in Latin American. Free trade between the British Empire and the rest of the world would also ruin the West Indies’ sugar plantations, which emancipated slaves and which enjoyed privileged trade relations with London. But such protectionism could also cause an increase in domestic prices for imported goods, bringing about general discontent in the British popular classes. These contradictions push some members to leave the BFASS and to create a dissident Provisional Committee dedicated to overthrowing slavery whilst remaining consistent with the principles of free trade.

-From 1850, United Kingdom: considering that the fight against the transatlantic slave trade is by then very repressed, the BFASS starts to denounce less well known forms of exploitation, such as the importation in the West Indies of workers bonded in India. The organisation, which promotes the boycott of goods grown in countries which haven’t yet abolished slavery, has to overcome a certain decline amidst the working classes, more concerned with improving their own living conditions now that slave trade is abolished in the United Kingdom. The BFASS’s membership and finances decrease in consequence.

-1861, United States: the BFASS does not take position on the civil war which begins between the abolitionist North and the South, who refuses to free its Black slaves. Many activists are pacifists and find it hard to support any war, while some British humanitarians are sympathetic to the South’s claim that it is fighting for independence against an imperial North.

-1865, United States: the end of the civil war and the victory of the North, who had freed its Black slaves, place the BFASS in an awkward situation because it had been in favour of a cease-fire which would have advantaged the Confederates of the South, fervent advocates of slavery. Generally speaking, the organisation’s pacifism is often paradoxical; for instance when it leads to criticising the British government, whose Navy precisely sees to enforcing the international treaties banning the slave trade.

-1867, France: the BFASS takes part in a new anti-slavery convention in Paris, which, through the tales of the British explorer David Livingstone, raises the public awareness of the slave trade between East Africa and the Muslim world. During the 1870s, the organisation puts pressure on the British government to force the Khedive of Egypt, the Ottoman Sultan and the Shah of Persia to put an end to slavery in their respective countries.

-1884-1885, Germany: under pretence of fighting slavery, the Berlin conference divides up the Black continent between the European colonial powers. The abolitionist cause is thus used as an alibi for the colonisation of Africa. Hence in Britain, the BFASS supported the conquest of Sudan by General Charles Gordon (1833-1885), who rose an army of slaves to fight against slave trade!

-1888-1890, Belgium: the BFASS, which initiated in Britain a parliamentary debate to incite governments to organise and finance an international conference on slavery, brings off an important victory in 1890, with the signature in Brussels of the first treaty planning to fight against the slave trade in the African hinterland. Under the influence of Henry Richard Fox Bourne (1837-1909), the organisation’s new secretary general since 1889, the Society changes its focus to the exploitation of indigenous peoples like the Indians in Peru. This new strategy leads the BFASS to move closer to the Aborigines Protection Society (APS). Founded in 1839 by Quakers, this Society had paradoxically received the support of King Leopold II of Belgium, celebrated at the Berlin Conference in 1885 as a philanthropist concerned with fighting slavery and civilising the African continent through his International African Association. Now the Congo Free State, created in 1884 and placed under the personal sovereignty of the king, had become the private domain of the companies who had won concessions there and who starved and decimated the natives through forced labour. So the APS had to distance itself from Leopold II and even ended up campaigning against him with the BFASS and the Congo Reform Association, set up by the journalist Edmund Dene Morel (1873-1924) who had gathered evidence of the crimes committed in the Congo Free State.

-1897-1935, Ghana: the APS supports the creation of the Aborigines’ Rights Protection Society (ARPS), founded at Cape Coast by the chief editor of the Methodist Times, the Reverend Samuel Richard Brew Attoh-Ahuma (1875-1921), and the Fante chiefs who are worried about colonial attempts to limit their traditional land rights following a bill in 1894. Composed of Africans such as Joseph Peter Brown, a businessman of royal origins, and John Mensah Sarbah, the first qualified lawyer of Ghana, the association, which publishes a newspaper, the Gold Coast Aborigines, only uses the available constitutional and judicial means to promote the interests of the natives. Outmoded after the emergence of a nationalist movement at the start of the 1920s, the association disappears from the political scene around 1935.

-1909, United Kingdom: the BFASS and the APS merge to form the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines’ Protection Society, whose first general secretary is a former Baptist missionary in Africa, the Reverend John Harris.

-1910-1912, Peru: in London, the Society relays the complaints of Benjamin Saldana Rocca against the wealthy Julio Cesar Arana, who registered his company in England and who is accused of the massacres of the Amazonian Indians workers in his rubber plantations along the river Putamayo, on the border with Equator, Brazil and Colombia. As with the Congo (territory finally entrusted to Belgium in 1906) the scandal provokes the creation of a governmental inquiry commission which, led by Roger Casement, hands in its conclusions to the British Parliament in 1912, quoting the figure of 30,000 deaths linked to the production of rubber in the region since 1900.

-1913, South Africa: the Society opposes the Native Land Act which, on the instigation of the British colonial power, reserves 93 % of the country’s land to the white, excluding black farmers and reducing them to labour tenancy. In London, the King George V, who disapproves of the criticism of British policy, resigns from the Anti-Slavery Society, of which he had been the honorary president. As a general rule, the organisation doesn’t demand independence for Africans at this time. It approves the civilising mission of colonisation and only wants to limit its abuses.

-1914, United Kingdom: the strategic alliance between London and Brussels, at war against Germany, forces the Anti-Slavery Society to tone down its attacks of the Belgian exactions in Congo. As for Edmund Dene Morel, he launches a pacifist party, the Union of Democratic Control (UDC), which leads to his being imprisoned in 1917 but which will have a certain influence on the political scene – nine of its members will belong to the Labour government in 1924.

-1926-1939, Switzerland: the Society backs the International Slavery Convention of 1926. Between 1933 and 1939, it takes part in the permanent Advisory Committee of Experts on Slavery charged with monitoring the effective application of the Convention. In this framework, the Society exposes de facto slavery in Liberia.

-1930-1931, Switzerland: the Society supports the International Labour Organisation Convention n°29 which  bans forced labour. The following year, it also participates with Save the Children to an international conference in Geneva, which deals with child trafficking in Africa.

-1939-1945, United Kingdom: the Second World War leads to a significant decrease in the activities of the Anti-Slavery Society in the various colonies around the world.

-1947, United Kingdom: with Charles Wilton Wood Greenidge (1889-1972) as his secretary from 1942 until 1956, the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines’ Protection Society takes the shorter name of Anti-Slavery Society. The organisation remains in the tradition of liberal colonialism and doesn’t support claims for independence. Its Journal The Reporter, which has a circulation of about 2,000 in 1947, officially targets “all those to whom the maintenance of justice for weaker races of the world appeals as a duty”. ASI only opposes apartheid because of South Africa’s attempt to annex Namibia, sending to the British government a delegation led by an Anglican Reverend from Johannesburg, Michael Scott, who will enter the leadership of the Society in 1963.

-13th May 1949, United States: at the UN, the General Assembly approves the creation of a non-permanent committee of experts on slavery where Charles Greenidge, the secretary of ASI, is appointed.

-1950, United States: encouraged by the article 4 of the Human Rights Declaration of 1948, which bans slavery, the Anti-Slavery Society gains consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) in New York.

-1956-1962, United States: following the lobbying of the Anti-Slavery Society, where Thomas Stanley Lane Fox-Pitt (1897-1989) replaces Charles Greenidge, a review of the 1926 Convention extends the notion of slavery to child labour, serfdom and debt bondage in 1956, as well as early and forced marriages in 1962. The organisation modifies its Constitution in consequence so as to include the new articles of international law.

-1957, Switzerland: the Society, which changes again its name into the Anti-Slavery Society for the Protection of Human Rights, supports the work of the International Labour Organisation towards the signature of the Convention n°105 banning the use of forced labour by governments as an instrument for political repression, economic development, labour discipline or racial, social, national or religious discrimination.

-1960, United Kingdom: once the UN embrace decolonisation and many African countries become independent, the Society begins to assert the right of self-determination for the indigenous. In the 1970s, it will intervene on behalf of the Kurds of Iraq, the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh, the Aché in Paraguay, the Yanoama in Brazil and the natives of East Timor after the Indonesia invasion.

-1963, United Kingdom: Colonel Patrick Montgomery becomes the new secretary of the Society, a post he retains until 1980. In 1978, the title of secretary becomes director and the staff, which consisted of only a secretary and assistant, is expanded.

-1966, United States: the United Nations publish a special report which confirms the persistence of slavery in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, though officially abolished in 1963. The Anti-Slavery Society then pushes for the establishment of a monitoring committee. But the British government is against it because the project is being used by the USSR, Latin America, and some African countries like Tanzania, to condemn South Africa and its apartheid regime, seen as a particular form of slavery.

-1970, United Kingdom: the great great grandson of William Wilberforce, a lord, becomes the new president of the Anti-Slavery Society, of which he had been a member since 1934. Following the model of Amnesty International, born in 1961, the organisation launches campaigns against child labour and changes its strategy. From 1946 to 1966, it did not publicize slavery “in the hope of securing governmental and international co-operation” to end it. But it noted that public support also suffered as a result of this policy of self-imposed confidentiality. In a report sent to the United Nations in 1968 and quoted by John Carey, ASI saw publication of investigations as its only option. As a consequence, it becomes more offensive, is attacked for “slander” and faces a serious challenge to its status at ECOSOC in 1978.

-1973, Paraguay : alerted on slaves trafficking and genocide by anthropologist Mark Munzel, the Society starts to investigate on the Aché, a nomadic Indian group in the south-east corner of the country. In September 1973, ASI chooses to be specific on Paraguay: its statement, prepared for the UN, is quite unusual because the normal procedure forbids NGOs to name countries (other than South Africa) in which gross human rights violations take place.

-1975, Switzerland: the United Nations Working Group on Slavery, which Anti-Slavery Society had lobbied for since 1966, is at last set up in Geneva. Amongst the selected experts is Ben Whitaker of Britain, who was a member of ASI and served as a director of the Minority Rights Group. At the beginning according to reliable sources quoted by William Korey, “almost all the information” of the Working Group on Slavery comes from the Society.

-1979, United Kingdom: the International Year of the Child helps the Society to promote its work against child labour. In 1975 and 1977, ASI had launched studies on child labour in the textile industry and the hand-made production of mats in Morocco and South Asia. Thanks to a grant from the Ford Foundation in 1978, it also produced a preliminary survey of child labour throughout the world, covering Colombia, India, Portugal, Hong Kong, Italy, Malaysia, South Africa, Spain and Thailand. The culmination of the Society’s efforts is the Convention on the Rights of the Child adopted by the UN General Assembly on the 20th November 1989.

-From 1980, United Arab Emirates: the federal authorities take steps towards banning the use of children as jockeys in camel races, a very popular entertainment in the country. But in practice, the race organisers continue to have young jockeys " imported " from Asia, notably Bangladesh. Aware of the issue, the Anti-Slavery Society starts a campaign aiming to end such practices.

-1981, United States: the UN create a Working Group on Indigenous Populations with the strong encouragement of the Society.

-1987, Australia: the federal government in Canberra commissions the Anti-Slavery Society to draw up a report on the status of the Aborigines.

-1990, United Kingdom: in November 1990, the Society takes the abridged name of Anti-Slavery International (ASI) so as to reinforce the visibility of an organisation which has suffered a decrease in its importance, with 3 employees and 1 143 members in 1988. A former official with Oxfam, Lesley Roberts, becomes the new director of the NGO in January 1990 and she aims to modernise it. Prior to her appointment, there was no financial plan, no budget, no staff contracts and no pension provision; minutes of the General Committee were designated as secrets. Before being succeeded in 1996 by Mike Dottridge, formerly with Amnesty International, Lesley Roberts improves the professionalism of the organisation, enlarges the staff to number some ten persons and registers 1,600 members.

-From 1992, Pakistan: a new law bans serfdom but is poorly enforced, notably in the Sindh. So ASI supports the efforts of its local partner, the HRCP (Human Rights Commission of Pakistan), towards the effective application of the existing legislation. The HRCP promotes a constructive relationship with the authorities and publishes in 1995 a report criticising the leader of the BLLF (Bonded Labour Liberation Front), Ehsan Ullah Khan, who accuses other NGOs of hypocritical behaviour and brings them into disrepute because of his exaggerated statements on bonded labour.

-1993-1998, United Kingdom: following the publication of its report on new forms of slavery in England, ASI supports the so-called Kalayaan campaign to forbid the confiscation of migrant domestic workers’ identity papers by their employers. Frightened of being deported, these immigrants do not go to the police to complain about bad treatment. To avoid such situations, the British Home Office awards them, from July 1998, an immigration status independent of their employers.

-1994-1997, United Kingdom: in its headquarters, ASI provides the secretariat of the End Child Prostitution in Asian Tourism (ECPAT) Campaign, launched in 1994. The lobby gets some results when the British law is changed in March 1997 to prosecute nationals for paedophilia abroad.

-1995, United Kingdom: ASI becomes a charitable limited guarantee company. For a long time, the organisation was an exception and enjoyed tax exemptions thanks to its seniority. Usually, the authorities refuse to give a charity status to human rights organisations, which are considered to be too political. Granted when the legislation was less strict, ASI’s charity status was temporarily questioned when the organisation changed its name in 1990.

-1997, Brazil: following an action by the federal authorities to buy a plantation from a private owner who maltreated his workers in Flor de Mata in the state of Pará, ASI advocates a complete confiscation of land where modern forms of slavery persist. Although the government isn’t in favour of such radical procedures, a law project aims, in December 1997, to modify the penal code and to forbid employers from retaining their employees by force or through the confiscation of their identity papers.

-1998, United Kingdom: eager to prevent illegal child labour in the third world sub-contractors of big western multinational companies, ASI becomes a member of the Ethical Trading Initiative, which groups NGOs, trade unions and socially responsible firms. Similar efforts are made with the International Labour Organisation in Geneva, where a Convention bans the worst forms of child labour in 1999.

-1999, Philippines: with a local Foundation established in 1991, Visayan Forum, ASI campaigns for the adoption by Parliament of a charter named Batas Kasambahay to ban the exploitation of children domestic workers.

-18-28 October 2000, Sudan: after it commissioned a first report in August 1997, ASI sends to Southern Darfur a delegation to conduct an investigation in co-operation with a governmental organism, the CEAWC (Committee for the Eradication of Abduction of Women and Children). In the North, the Islamic junta in power in Khartoum, at war against the South, refuses to talk about slavery and only admits to disappearances and kidnappings by the Arab militias close to the army. In the South, Fundamentalist Christian organisations claim that the Muslims want to commit a “genocide”. ASI’s realistic position is between the two. The Society criticises both the government, which failed to protect the victims, and CSI (Christian Solidarity International) or CSW (Christian Solidarity Worldwide), which buy up “slaves”, be it at the cost of making the masters richer and encouraging all sorts of fraud. In a report sent to the UN in June 1999, ASI also contests the assertion of 20,000 slaves and finds evidence for only several hundreds of captives scattered around separate households.

-February 2002, Nepal: following pressure from ASI and its local partner, the organisation BASE (Backward Society Education), the government in Kathmandu votes a law making kamaiya bonded labour illegal.

-From 2005, Niger: Ilguilas Weila, the head of prominent anti-slavery organisation Timidria, and five colleagues are put in prison on 5 May 2005. Judicial sources say the six are accused of "propagating false information on slavery and attempting to raise funds illegally" by seeking 3.5 millions of Euros from ASI for the rehabilitation of thousands of slaves. In March this year, they had organised a release ceremony for some 7,000 slaves in the village of Inates, almost 300 km northwest of the capital. But the slaves failed to show up. ASI said a government delegation had visited the slave chief and intimidated him into backing out of the release. In a statement, Mary Cunneen, the director of the organisation, “condemns the Niger Government's treatment of Ilguilas Weila and demands his immediate and unconditional release”. ASI then defends Hadijatou Mani, the daughter of a slave, sold when she was twelve years old. Thanks to Anti-Slavery, the Niger Government's is eventually condemned for the first time in October 2008 by the regional court of ECOWAS (Economic Community Of West African States) and has to compensate the young victim because of its failure to protect her.

- Comments -

1) The mission
-Described as the world’s oldest human rights organisation, ASI claims a direct descent from the BFASS and keeps some of its archives. Nevertheless it has lost a lot of influence since the end of the nineteenth century, when it dominated the international human rights scene. Rivalled by a multitude of more generally scoped organisations, the foremost of which is Amnesty International, the Society encounters difficulties to convince the public that slavery is a modern issue, and not a problem of the past. According to ASI, slavery is specific, different from other human rights violations. A slave is: forced to work through physical or mental threat; owned by an ‘employer’ who controls his freedom of movement; treated as a ‘commodity’ or ‘property’, which deprives him of his human dignity. Other than the traditional forms of the slave trade, that is to say buying and selling human beings, the organisation distinguishes several types of modern slavery, i.e. bonded and forced labour; pawning; commercial and sexual exploitation of children; trafficking; early and forced marriages as well as illegal exploitation of child labour outside the family…

2) The way it works
-ASI uses three main forms of action to fight against slavery. The first one is to lobby international organisations and governments. The second one is to support research projects on the issue of slavery. And the third one is to help local partners, both financially and through legal counsel, so that they can raise public awareness about slavery. Through its experience and knowledge of intergovernmental organisations, ASI relays the work of its partners and develops information programmes to educate the public. Contrary to Amnesty International, it rarely sends missions to investigate in the field and doesn’t publish an annual report on slavery. Through lack of funding, ASI doesn’t either use the courts as a means of ensuring the effective application of the international conventions banning all forms of slavery.

-There are in the world more recent organisations whose aims are much the same, such as the Comité contre l’esclavage moderne (“Committee against modern slavery”) in France or Free the Slaves in the United States, an association founded in 2000 by Kevin Bales, a member of ASI’s administration board. These organisations do not have structural or financial links between them and don’t always work as a network.

3) The links with politics
-With a very institutional and legal approach of issues, ASI is essentially a lobby which, historically, first concentrated its efforts on the British Parliament before turning to intergovernmental organisations. Despite numerous disagreements, the Society has often received the support of the British government; the BFASS’s patron was King Edward VII in 1900 for instance. As for the APS, which published the Colonial Intelligence from 1874 to 1882 and the Aborigines Friend from 1901 to 1903, it contributed to the elaboration of an anthropology which helped to administer the natives in the British Empire. In 1843, the dissidents of the APS thus formed the Ethnological Society of London, first embryo of the Royal Anthropological Institute in 1871. According to Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, “abolitionists in Britain often combined antislavery principles with support for British imperialism”. Initially, they opposed colonisation schemes to transfer American slaves to their African homeland in the 1830s. But “they believed that imperialism would spread Christianity, Westernization, and the benefits of trade, and ingenuously saw no contradiction among these principles”.

-Anti-Slavery originated in the progressive milieu of the British non conforming Churches, notably Quakers, and its advocacy against slavery and exploitation could be seen as a Marxist rhetoric from a certain point of view. But the Society finds its true force in an enlightened bourgeoisie. Politically, it is difficult to pinpoint precise partisan inclinations. On the one hand, it never expressly denounced the forced labour camps in the USSR during the cold war; on the other it fought the Chinese gulags in the 1990s.

4) The links with economics
-ASI sometimes cooperates with trade unions to fight against child labour, especially in the textile industry with the ITGLWF (International Textile, Garment and Leather Worlers’ Federation).

5) The financial resources
-Regarding resources, ASI now enjoys a quite diversified financial backing. The majority of its public grants though are linked to specific projects, thus reducing the operational freedom of the organisation. Anti-Slavery International’s budgets are calculated on the basis of a financial year going from April 1st to March 31st the next year. Thus the figure quoted above for the year 2001 starts on April 1st 2001.

- Written sources -
-Anti-Slavery International annual reports (2003, 2002, 1999, 1998, 1997).
-Ackerson, Wayne [2005], The African Institution (1807-1827) and the antislavery movement in Great Britain , Lewiston (N.Y.) : Edwin Mellen Press, 246p.
-Bales, Kevin [1999], Disposable people: new slavery in the global economy, Berkeley, University of California Press, 298p.
-Beigbeder, Yves [1991], The role and status of international humanitarian volunteers and organizations: the right and duty to humanitarian assistance, Dordrecht, M. Nijhoff, 414p.
-Carey, John [1970], UN protection of civil and political rights, New York, Syracuse University Press, 205p.
-Fladeland, Betty [1972], Men and Brothers : Anglo-American Antislavery Cooperation, Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 478p.
-Keck, Margaret & Sikkink, Kathryn [1998], Activists beyond borders : advocacy networks in international politics, Ithaca (N.Y.), Cornell University Press, 227p.
-Korey, William [1998], NGOs and the universal declaration of human rights : a curious grapevine, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 638p.
-Morel, Edmund Dene [1906], Red rubber: the story of the rubber slave trade flourishing on the Congo in the year of grace 1906, London, T. F. Unwin, 213p.
-Morel, Edmund Dene [1904], King Leopold's rule in Africa, London, W. Heinemann, 466p.
-Morel, Edmund Dene [1903], The Congo slave state. A protest against the new African slavery and an appeal to the public of Great Britain, of the United States, and of the continent of Europe, Liverpool, J. Richardson & Sons, Printers, 112p.
-Ofonagoro, Walter Ibekwe [1979], Trade and imperialism in Southern Nigeria, 1881-1929, New York, Nok, 429p.
-Swartz, Marvin [1971], The Union of Democratic Control in British politics during the First World War,
Oxford, Clarendon Press, 267p.
-Vergès, Françoise [2001], Abolir l'esclavage : une utopie coloniale: les ambiguïtés d'une politique humanitaire, Paris, A. Michel, 229p.

- Right to reply -

Aid Watch thanks Anti-Slavery International for its cooperation. A first version of the “history” part of this profile was discussed during an interview on December 1st 2003 with David Ould, Deputy Director of the organisation.


Translation and latest update: D.R. 05.01.2004, M.-A. P.deM. 30.07.2009

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